|
|
Abstract - Literacy and economic development have existed as terms
that are inextricably linked in the literature, often with little examination.
As one looks more closely at the rationales for this relationship, it becomes
clear that much more needs to be known about the functions and uses of literacy
in everyday life, how literacy is linked to productive activity and how
literacy is learned and taught across the life-span. In order to achieve
both understanding and improved literacy programming, it is essential that
better methods of assessment and program evaluation be put into place. This
paper reviews prior experience in assessment, with special attention to
the use of literacy surveys, as well as some of the problems with international
literacy statistics. The paper concludes with a discussion of innovations
in literacy and policy alternatives in the year 2000 and beyond. Also provided
is an extended reference list on the published literature in this area. INTRODUCTION There is little debate about whether literacy is a major problem in today's world. Indeed, it is near the top of the policy agenda of most countries in the world today - including both industrialized and developing countries. A quick glance at international statistics gives a relative picture of the state of literacy in the world (see Table 1). According to these UNESCO statistics, almost a billion illiterates remain in 1993, and the prognosis for a reduction, as discussed later in this paper, is not very optimistic. Furthermore, the relatively low rates of illiteracy in industrialized countries are misleading, as countries like the United States come to grips with the fact that low literacy can be just as troubling as illiteracy is in some developing countries. This paper provides an overview of some of the key dimensions of today's
literacy problems, from a perspective that assumes that low literacy levels
(by whatever definitions or measurements) are endemic across the globe,
that the relative costs and benefits of literacy programs are not well understood,
and that the general rationales that support renewed efforts as well as
the barriers to literacy improvement have common elements that can and should
be addressed through a better understanding of the nature of literacy and
literacy education programs. DEVELOPMENT RATIONALES Literacy is often simply understood as something that is 'good' for the individual and for society. Indeed, unlike many other advocacy domains for social change (such as full employment and universal health insurance), there are very few critics of greater societal literacy. This is not to say that specialists or the public can agree as to what they mean by increased literacy: note the heated debates over whether literacy should be taught in the mother-tongue or a second (usually metropolitan) language still controversial the world over. Since primary education is already a core institutionalized goal of all nations, the present discussion of development rationales will focus mainly on non-formal and adult literacy programs.
Table 1. Adult illiterates (age 15 and over) and illiteracy rates
Source: UNESCO (1990b). In spite of the broad and world-wide consensus in favour of 'literacy
for all'- as embodied in the declaration. of the 1990 World Conference on
Education for All (WCEFA, 1990), observers have noted the considerable reticence
of many national, bilateral, and international agencies to provide strong
fiscal (as contrasted with rhetorical) support for adult literacy efforts.
Such reticence stems from a confusion about the rationales for investment
that exist in this domain. Five general rationales for literacy have been
put forward over the years in the specific context of national economic
development plans (Lind and Johnston, 1990; Tanguiane, 1990; Haddad et al.,
1990; Wagner and Puchner, 1992). Economic rationale From the poorest village in Peru to the sophisticated boulevards of Pans, one can hear the refrain of the economic rationale for literacy development. Few countries are oblivious to the perception that a literate and skilled populace can have an important impact on the social and economic life of each nation. Numerous claims have been put forward that a given minimum rate of literacy is a prerequisite for economic growth in developing countries (Anderson and Bowman, 1965), and we can read headlines in North American newspapers today which proclaim that, in the context of global competition, adult illiteracy will be the economic ruination of previously well-off countries such as Canada and the United States (Southam Press, 1987; Kirsch et al., 1993). Indeed, estimates of the direct cost of adult illiteracy on American business has been said to be about US$40 billion annually (Mikulecky, 1990). From the advent of the Experimental World Literacy Programme in the 1960s and up to the 1990 World Conference on Education for All, claims have been made as to the positive impact of literacy and basic education on economic productivity. Most of the empirical research on this topic comes from a handful of studies that relate number of years of schooling (mostly primary schooling) with income or job productivity. For example, in the agricultural sector, studies have been undertaken which support the notion that an additional year of primary schooling can directly affect wages and farm output (see Table 2). such analyses are among the many which suggest that additional years of schooling lead to economic returns that are greater than the cost of the education itself (cf. Haddad et al., 1990). What is surprising is how little information is available on the economic
returns to training in adult literacy and adult basic education. There are
few if any empirical studies on the economic impact of major short-term
literacy programs in developing or industrialized countries. Most of the
available research considers the quite different case of the impact of vocational
or adult basic education on the occupational outcomes of workers in industrialized
countries (e.g. Benton and Noyelle, 1991; Tucker, 1990). While this evidence
suggests the general utility of worker training programs (including literacy
and basic skills) in industrialized countries, there is little empirical
research as yet to suggest that adult literacy programs are enabling the
unemployed to obtain new jobs or to make major career changes, even though
anecdotal claims abound. Furthermore, here is virtually no evidence from
developing countries that adult literacy programs lead to actual economic
improvements in the lives of program participants. LITERACY AND DEVELOPMENT Table 2. The effect of an additional year of schooling on wages and farm output, selected countries and years
P primary school level. Note: These results were all estimated, controlling for other factors such as work experience and other individual characteristics. In most cases, the estimated effects have also been corrected for any statistical bias resulting from selecting a sample of wage earners only. The estimates for Cote d'lvoire, Ghana and the Republic of Korea pertain to combined samples of men and women. Source: World Development Report, 1991. Yet there exist some economic data that is relevant to the cost issue, namely, the input costs of adult literacy versus primary schooling, both relate to economic outcomes. Data on the costs of adult literacy programs is still fairly weak, but some relevant information was gathered in the 1970s during UNESCO's Experimental World Literacy Program (EWLP). Figure 1 shows data from several participating countries in the EWLP. This reveals that the cost of producing a 'literate' is nearly ten times higher than the cost of simply enrolled participants in literacy campaigns. this is not surprising, given what is known about the low effectiveness of actual learning in campaign- like programs. It is possible to compare the actual costs of such programmes (in adjusted constant dollars) with those of primary schooling in comparable countries. In Fig. 2, the cost of primary schooling up to completion of five grades (essentially the cost of basic education') in selected developing countries is shown. A comparison of the costs for the equivalent of two years of instruction is provided in Fig. This limited and minimal level of educational attainment, which is fairly typical for the disadvantaged populations in many of the poorest developing countries, might be thought of as producing 'minimum literacy,' a level which allows an individual to have some access to the printed world (but not very much). It is used here as the basis of comparison since most literacy campaigns rarely produce more than such limited or minimal literacy. If we can assume that minimal literacy levels are approximately the same. the costs of producing this knowledge through adult literacy programmes can be cost effective. It is possible to generate a hypothetical cost comparison of the economic outcomes of minimal literacy, based on the presumed benefits of attaining literacy skills through primary or adult education. In Fig. 4, the value added over a 14 year period of a child or adult having gained minimal literacy, as contrasted with those who have no education, is shown. These comparisons contain several important assumptions: a constant and cumulative rate of return to primary schooling which is estimated at either 7.5% per annum (Fig. 4a) or 15% per annum (Fig. 4b) as shown in Table 2; that the rate of return of adult literacy (minimal literacy) has a constant rate of return of 7.5% per annum; and that the rate of return of what might be termed simple experience is 4% per annum (that is, a farmer knows how to farm better each year and has more networks and authority which assists in income generation, etc.). While such graphical models are highly speculative, they give a sense of what real data (gathered on real programs) could provide in terms of cost-benefit relationships. In this case, one can observe in Fig. 4b that there is a cross-over point (at about 8 years after school completion) where the value of primary school becomes particularly salient. Empirical research could be undertaken to attempt to verify this type of modelling and to determine why certain effects might appear at certain times in the life-cycle. Regardless of the dearth of needed research evidence on the economic
outcomes of literacy education, there remains a strong presupposition that
the individual value added from literacy will have a commensurate value
added in terms of a nation's productivity. The economic rationale remains
an article of faith among advocates of literacy programs, at least in part
due to the belief that industrialized countries1 are more prosperous primarily
because they are more educated and more literate. Social rationale Even if literacy has only limited direct economic consequences, it may have secondary social consequences which become important objectives for development planners. While well-known in developing countries, the gender dimension of illiteracy has rarely been raised in the industrialized countries, as the majority of illiterate or low literate adults tend to be male. In the developing countries, however, the gender disparity is even more marked (see Table 3) (Stromquist, 1990). In industrialized countries, the secondary consequences of illiteracy such as lowered rates of incarceration in prisons, welfare dependency and social disintegration vary greatly by ethnic or minority group. In developing countries, there is a wide variety of demonstrated empirical relationships between literacy and fertility, infant mortality, and so forth (e.g. Cochrane, 1980, 1982; LeVine, 1987; Puchner, 1993; see Figs 5 and 6). These graphs, gathered from various empirical studies around the world, place an emphasis on the relationship between the mother's education and consequences for the children. Nonetheless. as has been widely commented on (LeVine, 1987; Puchner. 1993), we still know relatively, little about causality in these relationships and even less about the role that Literacy, might play in reducing health risks and lowering fertility. Generally speaking, the research evidence for secondary social consequences
of literacy appears stronger (at least in terms of more demonstrable empirical
findings) than that of direct economic consequences. However, in addition
to the overall dearth of data on literacy consequences, the social science
problem of separating one type of consequence from another remains a substantial
problem for researchers. Political rationale There is a long tradition of utilizing literacy programs in general, and literacy campaigns in particular, as a way to achieve political goals. In the 1500s, Sweden engaged in one of the earliest known national literacy, campaigns in order to spread the state religion through Bible study. The apparent goal was not onlv religious salvation but also national solidarity. This latter aspect remains a potent source of government support of literacy work in many countries. Perhaps most visible are the socialist literacy efforts in the former USSR, China. Cuba. Nicaragua and Ethiopia (Arnove and Graff, 1987) and the political appeal of literacy as a policy goal is apparent in today's resurgence of literacy work in North America (Chisman. 1990) and Europe as well as in parts of Asia and Africa. This type of political appeal stems from government's need to show that they are doing something good for the most disenfranchised communities of the country, while often justifying the investment in terms of lower social welfare costs as well as greater economic productivity. National solidarity can also be achieved through the utilization of a
national language (most often that of the dominant government faction) in
the literacy campaign. While tensions can occur as a result of the imposition
of a national language on ethnic minorities, revolutionary fervor of the
moment may, at least for some period of time, overcome such barriers. Thus,
governments sometimes seek through national campaigns achieve a greater
degree of homogeneity and national solidarity, even if economic and secondary
social consequences are minimal. Table 3. Illiteracy rates by gender
1 = projected. Endogenous rational In industrialized and developing countries where campaigns are unlikely to occur, there also may be strong pressures to prov'de literacy and basic skills programs at the communitv level. Often organized by NGOs such as church groups or private voluntary organizations, these tend to be small-scale and focused on particular segments of the population (e.g. young mothers. the elderly, the homeless). In the case of endogenous programs, governments generally have little or no involvement, as the programs are self-funded and tend to rely on volunteer tutors; recent exceptions to this model include the support of NG0s by multilateral agencies seeking to support literacy work. The historical rationale for such endogenous literacy prop-rams has been
primarily a moral one, in the sense of providing and caring for one s neighbour
and community. Even up to the present, these types of programs have predominated
in industrialized countries (especially in the U.S.), where governments
have until recently claimed that illiteracy. if it did exist, was so marginal
as to command little national attention or government financial support.
Over the past half-decade. as is well documented in the press, many policv
maker attitudes have changed sharply on this point, with the realization
that illiteracy will not be eradicated in the near term. Exogenous rationale Since the establishment of United Nations agencies following World War 11 with their special interest in economic development, there has been growing pressure on all nations to improve their performance in education and literacy. This pressure appears in two major ways. First, lending agencies such as the World Bank tend to offer loans only if certain types of educational initiatives are promoted and educational targets reached. Over the past decade or so, the promotion of primary schooling has been a centerplace of World Bank education support to developing countries, although increased interest in adult literacy has been growing again, based upon recipient country demand following the WCEFA meeting in 1990. Thus some national governments feel encouraged to make investments in this regard. A second influence derives from what might simply be termed the 'public appearance' issue of being a 'progressive' nation. Developing countries such as Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Cuba promote their efforts in literacy as a way of gaining international (as well as national) legitimacy in terms of social progress as does Sweden in terms of its socialized welfare and education benefits. The
public appearance issue can work for or against countries in certain educational
planning situations. A country with a very low literacy rate may become
thought of as a hopeless situation or at least a very difficult development
context (Somalia or Chad, for example), or alternatively as a country so
disadvantaged that major funding is needed to end a vicious cycle of poverty.
In the domain of literacy. countries which engage n improved data. gathering
can run the risk of showing lower literacy rates than they announced publicly
(thereby losing credibility). or can show higher rates than they, thought
existed (thereby losing claims of dire economic need; Wagner, 1990b). WORLD LITERACY STATISTICS: WHAT ROLE FOR ASSESSMENT? Current views of international literacy statistics In order to provide world-wide statistical comparisons. UNESCO has relied almost entirely on data provided by its member countries (see Table 1 above). These countries in turn typically rely on national census information, which most often determines literacy ability by the proxy variable of self-stated years of primary schooling or through self-assessment questionnaires. Many specialists would agree that such measures are likely to be unreliable indicators of literacy ability. Nonetheless, systematic national or regional surveys which measure literacy skills have begun in a few industrialized countries while little progress has been made in developing countries. According to the most recent UNESCO statistics, world literacy rates have been dropping over last two decades due to an increase in primary school enrollments (see Table 1). Yet this data also indicates that the actual numbers of illiterates have remained generally constant so far due to population growth. If one assumes the most optimistic picture of literacy trends over the coming decades, programs aimed at achieving universal primary schooling and adult literacy will lead to a drop toward zero in illiteracy rates by the year 2025 (Fig. 7). These optimistic views seem to be shared by relatively few specialists in the field. but are occasionally brought out by policy makers when they wish to try to present the best face possible on literacy work. A more realistic view indicates the following: (1) the data on world literacy rates is misleading and underestimates the nature and scope of literacy problems; neither increases in primary schooling nor adult literacy programs have been very effective at reducing illiteracy, mainly due to population growth (Fig. 8). Such general views mask large inequalities, with higher illiteracy rates in rural communities (Table 4), among girls and women (Table 3, above), and perhaps most importantly
for the future, marginalized, minority and indigenous groups, as is shown
in the recent national survey of literacy among youth in the United States
(Table 5; Kirsch and Jungeblut, 1986) where differences between white, Hispanic
and Black youth are significant. Based on this view, in most developing
and many industrialized countries, there are severe educational inefficiencies,
which implies that universal primary schooling and increased adult literacy
are much harder to achieve than believed before. Indeed, one can easily
suppose that universal world literacy, if it ever is achieved, will take
us well into the middle decades of the 21st century. Changes in the reporting of literacy statistics There have been few changes in the reporting of literacy statistics by
UNESCO since the 1950s, when this agency began to provide standardized information
to other agencies for the purpose of international comparisons. The methodology
for gathering such data appears simple enough, but contains a certain number
of assumptions which call into question the reliability and validity of
the data as currently collected. The methodology for producing literacy
rates per country is most often derived in one of two ways. either the national
government provides these 'rates' as a function of some census information
(often outdated by as much as one or two decades) where individuals are
asked if they are or are not 'literate.' Or primary school completion rates
are used as a way to calculate presumed 'literates' who are 16 years and
older. This data often requires a certain amount of adjustment due to population
a growth. changes in national methods of calculation and national changes
in language policy. All this data suffers from some serious flaws. compounded
often by the lack of up-to-date census information. LITERACY AND DEVELOPMENT Table 4. Illiteracy rates (%) of urban and rural populations aged 15 years and over
Source: UNESCO (1988). The traditional classification of individuals as 'literate' versus 'illiterate' is now of relatively little value, though it remains a form of classification much in use today. Centuries ago, it may have seemed perfectly reasonable for the educated classes to divide up the world as literate and illiterate. and even civilized and uncivilized. And decades ago, when Third World countries began to enter the United Nations, it was still common to find that the vast majority of the adult populations of these countries had never gone to school, nor had learned to read and write. Therefore. it is relatively easy in those contexts simply to define all such non-schooled individuals as 'Illiterate.' even though such terms were often inaccurate. The situation in the 1990s is much more complex. as some contact with primary schooling, non-formal education programs. and the mass-media is no", made by the vast majority of families in the Third World. Indeed. it is the rare society today that includes more than a small number of individuals who, for a variety of idiosyncratic reasons. could be termed naive illiterates - those who are unaware of the meaning and uses of reading and writing systems (Wagner, 1986. 1993). Furthermore. even if parents may be illiterate and unschooled. it is not unusual for one or more of their children to be able to read and write to some degree, thereby rendering the family unit as 'literate' or at least 'non-illiterate.' Also, as noted above, there now exist enormous within-country differences, as schooling and literacy may vary dramatically by gender, ethnicity, and urban and rural residence. Clearly, the traditional literacy-illiteracy dichotomy misrepresents range or continuum of literacy abilities that are common to most contemporary societies. Furthermore, the dichotomy is of little help in doing more than crude policy-making assistance, since there is so much variation within and across the terms 'literate' and 'Illiterate'. Thus one may conclude that this distinction still in use by most international organizations, bilateral agencies and most national governments - should be avoided wherever possible, as it misleads more than it informs. Changing this bureaucratic system will not be easy, as substantially more resources are needed to create a more sophisticated system of indicators. Table 5. Percentages of young adult populations at or above average reading Proficiency of 4th,8th 11th graders on the NAEP scale*
From Kirsch and Jungeblut (1986). Some specialists have suggested that literacy may be best understood in terms of its functional utility in social context: hence the term 'functional literacy' (Hunter and Harman, 1979; Levine, 1982). Over the last decades, various organizations have employed the term 'functional illiteracy' to refer to the problems in industrialized states (UNESCO, 1987), usually as a way of distinguishing between the nature of literacy problems in those countries and in developing nations. However, this choice of terms only confuses matters, by implying that literacy (and the 'literacy problem') is somehow fundamentally and terminologically different in the industrialized world than in the Third World. This view is misleading because, even though contexts vary greatly, literacy problems, however we label them. are fundamentally the same in all societies. Simply put, the problems of insufficient or lack of functional literacy skills share a great deal in common across nations. Literacy, then, may be seen as a set of individual skills, but these
skills may be thought to be sufficient or insufficient. depending on the
social, cultural and political context of any given society. Thus, being
able to read a newspaper may justify the label of 'literate' in one context,
but in a second context may be a less relevant measure than a mother's ability
to fill in a government health form for her sick child (Spratt et al., 1991).
In the 1986 U.S. Young Adult Literacy Survey (Kirsch and Jungeblut, 1986;
Venezky et al., 1987), the inability to decipher and interpret a bus schedule
or fill out an employment form were citable benchmarks for determining whether
an American adult was to be considered less than adequately literate. Language policy, multi-lingualism, and multiple literacies Most countries have formulated an explicit language policy which states which language or languages have official status. The decision on national or official language(s) is usually based on such factors as major linguistic groups, colonial or post-colonial history, and the importance of a given language to the concerns of economic development. Official languages are also those commonly used in primary school, though there may be differences between languages used in early schooling and those used later on. The use of mother tongue instruction in both primary and adult education remains a topic of continuing debate, with mother tongue literacy favoured by most experts until the early 1990s (Wagner, 1992). However. with the advance of primary schooling, there appears to be growing diversity of views, especially among adult learners in many countries where access to the economic market place drives motivation for particular (often colonial) languages. While there appears to be general agreement that the official language(s)
ought to be assessed in national literacy surveys, there may be disagreement
over the assessment of literacy in non-official languages, where these have
a recognized and functional orthography. In many countries (e.g. Nigeria
and India), there exist a multitude of local languages which have varying
status with respect to the official language(s); how these languages and
literacies are included in the national survey may be a matter of considerable
disagreement. For example, in certain predominantly Muslim countries in
sub-Saharan Africa (e.g. Senegal or Ghana), the official language of literacy
might be French or English, while Arabic which is taught in Islamic schools
and used by a sizable population for certain everyday and religious tasks
- is usuallv excluded , from official literacy censuses, although recent
information suggests that in countries like Senegal there is now, more receptivitv
to literacy assessment in 'unofficial' literacies and languages, and in
Arabic in particular. New efforts to measure literacy Literacy, as has been noted earlier, is usually defined in terms of the individual's ability to read and write within the context of his or her society. The direct measurement of literacy skills using assessment instruments provides information on more refined categories than available in self-assessment or proxy (grade level) estimates of literacy. While it is theoretically possible to make as many classifications of individuals as there are items in a test, determining the number of useful classification categories is an arbitrary process that relates to the type of policy question one wishes to address and the resources one has to commit to the investigation. The U.S. Youna Adult Literacy Survey (YALS) and the just completed National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS) provide the most important national standardized studies of literacy undertaken in recent times using direct measurement of skills (Kirsch and Jungeblut, 1986-, Kirsch et al., 1993). The YALS survey of 3600 Young adults found that a relatively small percentage (less than 5%) of American 21-25 year olds could not read or write, while almost @5% had problems in reading texts which required more than simple decoding that is texts which required inferences and understanding across sentences. One main conclusion of the NALS and the recent NALS was that literacy - in its most stark form of no reading, and no writing, ability - Is not a major national problem in America, but that low or insufficient literacy skills are much more prevalent than previously known. Similar studies have been conducted in Canada with similar results (Statistics Canada, 1990; Neice and Adsett, 1991, Southam, 1987). Such a conclusion would not have been possible without the kind of detailed test items used by the YALS and NALS studies. On the other hand, these surveys cost several millions of dollars to carry out. An alternative approach, more relevant to developing countries, has been
suggested by the United Nations Household Capability Survey Programme. In
this approach, which was adopted in Zimbabwe and Morocco, and which is considerably
less expensive than the YALSINALS survey design, emphasis is ability to
fill in a government health form for her sick child (Spratt et al., 1991).
In the 1986 U.S. Young Adult Literacy Survey (Kirsch and Jungeblut, 1986;
Venezky et al., 1987), the inability to decipher and interpret a bus schedule
or fill out an employment form were citable benchmarks for determining whether
an American adult was to be considered less than adequately literate. Language policy, multi-lingualism, and multiple literacies Most countries have formulated an explicit language policy which states which language or languages have official status. The decision on national or official language(s) is usually based on such factors as major linguistic groups, colonial or post-colonial history, and the importance of a given language to the concerns of economic development. Official languages are also those commonly used in primary school, though there may b@ differences between languages used in early schooling and those used later on. The use of mother tongue instruction in both primary and adult education remains a topic of continuing debate, with mother tongue literacy favoured by most experts until the early 1990s (Wagner. 1992). However. with the advance of primary schooling, there appears to be growing diversity of views, especially among adult learners in many countries where access to the economic market place drives motivation for particular (often colonial) languages. While there appears to be general agreement that the official language(s)
ought to be assessed in national literacy surveys, there may be disagreement
over the assessment of literacy in non-official languages, where these have
a recognized and functional orthography. In many countries (e.g. Nigeria
and India), there exist a multitude of local languages which have varying
status with respect to the official language(s); how these languages and
literacies are included in the national survey may be a matter of considerable
disagreement. For example, in certain predominantly Muslim countries in
sub-Saharan Africa (e.g. Senegal or Ghana), the official language of literacy
might be French or English, while Arabic which is taught in Islamic schools
and used by a sizable population for certain everyday and religious tasks
- is usually excluded from official literacy censuses, although recent information
suggests that in countries is now more like Senegal there receptivity to
literacy assessment in 'unofficial' literacies and languages, and in Arabic
in particular. New efforts to measure literacy Literacy, as has been noted earlier, is usually defined in terms of the individual's ability to read and write within the context of his or her society. The direct measurement of literacy skills using assessment instruments provides information on more refined categories than available in self-assessment or proxy (grade level) estimates of literacy. While it is theoretically possible to make as many classifications of individuals as there are items in a test, determining the number of useful classification categories is an arbitrary process that relates to the type of policy question one wishes to address and the resources one has to commit to the investigation. The U.S. Young Adult Literacy Survey (YALS) and the just completed National Adult Literacy Survey (NALS) provide the most important national standardized studies of literacy undertaken in recent times using direct measurement of skills (Kirsch and Jungeblut, 1986; Kirsch et al., 1993). The YALS survey of 3600 young adults found that a relatively small percentage (less than 5%) of American 21-25 Year olds could not read or write,' while almost @5% had problems in reading texts which required more than simple decoding, that is texts which required inferences and understanding across sentences. One main conclusion of the YALS and the recent NALS was that literacy - in its most stark form of no reading and no writing, ability - is not a major national problem in America, but that low or insufficient literacy skills are much more prevalent than previously known. Similar studies have been conducted in Canada with similar results (Statistics Canada, 1990; Neice and Adsett, 1991; Southam. 1987). Such a conclusion would not have been possible without the kind of detailed test items used by the YALS and NALS studies. On the other hand, these surveys cost several millions of dollars to carry out. An alternative approach, more relevant to developing countries, has been suggested by the United Nations Household Capability Survey Programme. In this approach, which was adopted in Zimbabwe and Morocco, and which is considerably less expensive than the YALS/NALS survey design, emphasis is activities. Serious work has been accomplished in some of these areas, mainly in terms of formative studies and post-hoc analyses of management; little work has focused on outcome-based evaluation through skill measurement (see Carron and Bordia, 1985); Lind and Johnston, 1986; Bhola, 1990). The central problem here is related to the discussion earlier of the personal, social and economic outcomes of literacy programs. The dearth of reliable information on the consequences of literacy learning remains one of the key lacunae in literacy work today. Without data to support effectiveness in learned skills and related consequences, literacy will always be at risk of being the first social programs to be cut. With the expansion of interest in literacy worldwide and with the push of the recommendations of the 1990 World Conference on Education For All. far greater attention will need to be paid to rigorous and in-depth evaluation of literacy programs. Indeed, it may be that one of the key difficulties in expanding public and government support for adult literacy programs in the past has been the failure of those who support adult literacy program to provide the type of reliable databases demanded of other educational efforts such as primary and secondary education. Overall, there is a growing need among national and international agencies
for accountability, in literacy programs. As pointed out in a comparison
of the literacy programs of China and Tanzania (Stites and Semall. 1991),
there are many reasons for promoting literacy in different countries, usually
ranging between arguments for social equality to economic growth. Any effort
at providing program accountability will need to be cognizant of the political
basis of support for a particular effort, as well as the outcome variables
(such as increased income or employment) which will be used to gauge whether
the program succeeded or failed. There is a serious need in literacy for
the kinds of studies which are currently oft-cited in the realm of primary
schooling namely, impact studies of years of schooling. As noted earlier,
years of schooling studies often suffer from their usual correlational bias.
Adult literacy studies could in fact be much stronger, as there is considerable
possibility to sample adult populations that differ in what was taught and
what was learned. It is remarkable that so little research has addressed
this vital issue in adult education. FOUR MYTHS ABOUT LITERACY AND DEVELOPMENT It is useful to review what we might reasonably call the four myths of literacy, each one followed by a note of what the current state of knowledge tells about its reality. This is not to say that these myths are necessarily completely erroneous. Until we can add empirical reality to such claims, however, serious policy planning will founder on the rocks of grossly elevated expectations. Literacy changes the way human beings think, their logical abilities and their intelligence. This 'mental consequences' model of literacy has been around for many centuries and served for decades as one of the bases for colonial discrimination against unschooled peoples in the Third World. We now know that there is no substantive proof to support such an assertion, even though such claims continue to be published today (Scribner and Cole, 1981). International and development agencies need to scrutinize their publications carefully in this regard, as there are many cases where this type of erroneous conjecture remains embedded in the development literature. Literacy leads to human 'modernisation' and to the changing of attitudes about 'development.' This consequence of literacy has been a mainstay of international development " work. In so far as adult literacy, in modernisation studies. has rarely been separated from schooling, itself (Inkeles and Smith, 1974; Lerner, 1964; Jamison and Moock, 1984), it has not been determined whether literacy has specific effects. Since literacy programs are generally far less expensive than formal school programs. it would be very useful to understand literacy effects as separate from schooling. Numerous studies have determined that years of schooling lead to attitudinal changes and increased involvement in the national development process in developing countries, but these studies have not been able to determine how schooling affects attitudes or whether it simply opens up opportunities which may eventually lead to changed attitudes. Naturally, many of these studies are limited by confounding variables such as social and economic status. Literacy fosters democratic ideals and increases national productivity. These positive conjectures have only ancillary support in the current research literature, even though many specialists and much of the public believe the claims to be true. Democracy can hardly exist without an informed populace, and printed material remains the primary source of information about national and world events, although in some developing countries, especially in areas of low literacy, television and radio have supplanted printed material as the chief source of 'outside' information. Similarly, it is difficult to imagine an economy in today's world that could expand significantly with a large illiterate or low literate population. While democratic consequences might be difficult to substantiate, economic ones ought to be better understood when improved assessment techniques become more common in both industrialized and developing countries. The belief in this double claim might turn out to be justified wholly or need to be contextualized according to particular social realities. Illiteracy will be eradicated by the year 2000 (or anytime soon). The available data suggest that illiteracy (or low literacy) is unlikely to be eliminated in the foreseeable future, whatever date is picked. Agencies and specialists have occasionally proclaimed a given date as a 'target' for planning purposes, and there is some political value in this approach (cf. Stites and Semall, 1991). Beyond the fact that progress in teaching adults to learn basic skills is a complex and difficult task the world over, there is in addition a ma'or fallacy with this claim: Namely that the definition of literacy will never remain a constant. Societies are continuing to define and redefine the term literacy as the needs for intellectual skills change across time and contexts. It is far more likely that there will be low literates (or functional illiterates) for many decades to come, and probably for ever, even if the number of 'naive illiterates' continues to fall with the concomitant rise of primary schooling and non-formal education and adult literacy programs. It must be understood that current asymptotic trends in primary schooling, coupled with poor quality and high dropout rates, along with the aforementioned problems associated with adult education, do not augur well for a fully literate world any time in the foreseeable future. These four common myths, integrated into what might be called a national and international 'Ideology, help to sustain the political and social support for literacy work. But the lack of solid evidence under girding the claims should lead to concern. Specialists are more in need of knowledge about the covan'ation of variables leading to and from literacy than they are in need of grandiose claims about literacy's effects. Media and campaign advisors may need, for political reasons, to simplify and convince; but it is crucial for all those concerned with making real and long-term gains in literacy to understand what can be achieved with X amount of time and Y amount of resources. This improved understanding is essential if we are to make solid gains and retain fiscal support for literacy programs in the future. Significant progress can and will be made in creating a more literate
world if current trends persist. Indeed, UNESCO claimed in 1991 that the
number of illiterates had gone down for the first time in history. There
seems, for this decade at least, to be the will and the fiscal support to
work to improve literacy in all countries around the world. Making the most
effective use of the available resources would appear to be a principal
challenge. In the section that follows several ideas are considered which
may be key in promoting innovation in literacy work. INNOVATION IN LITERACY WORK Customer-driven development The chief problem in most adult literacy, work is the apparent disinterest of possible learners in participation in programs. This is true whether one is in Bangladesh or in Boston. The number one problem evoked by service providers and policv makers is that participation levels drop off rapidly after the first weeks or months of program participation. Many varied, valid, and non-mutually-exclusive reasons have been postulated for this phenomenon: inadequate program quality, lack of time and resources of learners; poor quality of textbooks and pedagogy; lack of social marketing; and so forth. There is little doubt, however, that the general factor behind all of these technical issues is that learners, for whatever sets of reasons, do not feel motivated to participate in such voluntary programs. Thus it has become increasingly clear that voluntary educational programs such as adult literacy must put much greater effort into the customer- (or learner-) driven aspects of program development. What do adults want to learn, and when and how? If adult learners, as the adage goes, vote with their feet, how can service providers provide more incentives for them to stay in the programs. We know that disincentives (such as government mandates, controls, punishments) are relatively ineffective for learning and may have long term negative consequences as well. But it is not always clear to the learner, teacher or policy maker why a learner should take time away from other important home and work activities to participate in a non-formal education program. Indeed, this is a common perception given by adult learners when they quit a program. It is not obvious, furthermore, what incentives ought to be. Since there are many different types of learners in many different life and cultural contexts, only further research on this question will enable programs to tailor their offerings to motivation and participation. However, there are some areas where flexibility and choice, as in the
marketplace, make considerable sense, such as choice of language for learning,
choice of program design (e.g. for farmers, mothers, workers), and choice
of 'follow-on' programs such as certificates for school entry for youth,
job training for adults and so forth. Tailoring programs to fit the learning
consumer is a necessity for the future and one that many national literacy
programs have yet to face directly, together with the additional resources
required. Linking adult literacy with other sectors of education One of the most striking aspects of adult literacy work is its relative isolation from other domains within the broad field of education. This is true not only in the practice of education but also, and of particular relevance in this discussion, of educational research and development. Around the world, there are few graduate education programs that train literacy specialists, there are no international journals whose principal focus is literacy work, and up until the present, there has been very little funding of adult literacy research and development. For the most part, adult literacy specialists and practitioners have little contact with mainstream specialists in education. This is a problem of serious proportions, given the importance of literacy in national and international educational policy development. Innovation is often achieved by connecting sets of information from one knowledge sector to another, and there is little question that literacy work is in serious need of cross-fertilization in this regard. The implications of this brief analysis are straightforward. Not only
must more resources be put into literacy research and development, but also
there needs to be a greater emphasis on creating connections between those
working in adult literacy (whether as policymakers, practitioners, university
specialists, etc.) and those in other sectors of formal and non-formal education. Multi-sectonal and intergenerational approaches Literacy and numeracy skills are utilized in many life contexts outside of academic settings. To date, however, most research and development has focused primarily on school-based settings. A major challenge rests in determining the ways that literacy can be fostered and utilized in everyday familv and work settings. From a polity perspective, more needs to be known about how literacy education can be infused into the significant development work of other sectors such as agriculture and health. For example, there is growing support for the idea of a comprehensive literacy 'service center' to provide educational training to other sectors' workers such as agriculture and health. Few examples of this approach have been attempted, and little is known about their potential impact. In the agriculture and health sectors, literacy is a major vehicle for innovation and knowledge dissemination, yet few studies have explored what levels of literacy determine the effectiveness of such dissemination. Finally, there is an increasing sense that adult literacy programs have
been unnecessarily separated from other educational services for families.
Thus there are, in industrialized and developing countries, attempts to
link adult programmes with those of early childhood development. This is
happening in such diverse locales as Bangladesh (the BRAC program) and in
the United States (in Head Start programs for preschoolers). More attention
is also required on all aspects of 'intergenerational' or family literacy
programs, now becoming popular in North America (Puchner, 1993; Sticht et
al., 1991). Technology There are new and exciting ideas concerning the utility of technology for literacy provision to both children and adults. Much of this work is still in its infancy, such as efforts to utilize synthetic speech to teach reading or the use of multimedia displays (interactive video, audio tapes and computer displays) to provide much more sophisticated instruction than has been heretofore available (Harvey-Morgan et al., 1995). Technological solutions to instruction, known as computer based education (CBE) or computer assisted instruction (CAI), have been used, primarily in industrialized nations, for more than a decade, and the presence of microcomputers in the classrooms of schools has continued to grow at a phenomenal rate (cf. Venezky and Osin, 1991). With adult instruction, growth of CBE and CAI has recently begun to show similar growth patterns, but it remains limited to a few sectors in a limited number of countries. Especially promising is the use of CBE and CAI in second language/literacy instruction. Another use of technology for literacy entails telecommunications networks such as the Internet. Now available in most countries of the world, the Internet offers tremendous possibilities to improve the communications infrastructure for literacy programs within and across countries. Similarly, distance education. using radio, television and other means of communication, is likely to see a dramatic growth in the decade to come. As many have pointed out, the cost of technology has been too high even
for industrial countries' educational programs, not to mention the Third
World. But the price-to-power ratio (the relative cost, for example, of
a unit of computer memory or the speed of processing) continues to drop
at an astounding rate. While the cost of the average microcomputer has remained
constant for about a decade, the power of the 1990 computer is 10-100 times
greater than that produced in 1980. If present trends continue, by the year
2000 the capabilities for CAI and CBE literacy instruction and for telecommunications
are likely to go far beyond the elementary approaches of today. One of the
challenges over the coming years will be how to achieve the economical use
of technology for education in developing countries. Design of materials Textbook provision has been viewed by donors and Ministries of Education as a key strategy for the improvement of school instruction (Heyneman and Jamison, 1980). However, rather little is known about how the design of instructional materials influences comprehension and learning. There are enormous subject matter and national variations in conventions of text design. Some important work on the relationship between characteristics of textbook discourse and comprehension is being carried out that has implications for improving school textbooks (e.g. Eisemon, 1988), as well as materials for other sectors, but there is a critical need for the collection, summarization and dissemination of existing materials used by literacy programs in non-formal settings. As pointed out earlier, the customer-driven aspects of adult literacy
are central to future success. These are also critical to materials and
textbook design. Many programs., due to fiscal constraints, have tended
to create educational materials in the form of 'one size fits all.' This
means that the textbooks are often designed to achieved economies of scale
in terms of production runs, but they often fall to connect Or relate adequately
to t6e needs or interests of different groups of learners. Thus, the future
of materials design may well be related to the ability of program specialists
to adapt materials inexpensively to specific group needs. an area where
desktop publishing and other technologies might also be effectively employed. Mother tongue and second language issues In developing countries, a significant proportion of the students are either illiterate in their mother tongue or receive only a few years of mother tongue instruction before a second, usually foreign, language is introduced as a medium of instruction. Poor second language literacy proficiency is a principal cause of high repetition and wastage rates and of low achievement in academic subjects in primary and secondary schools with profound consequences for employment and other externalities of schooling. Because of the political aspects of first and second language policy,
many donor agencies and developing country officials have been reluctant
to review language policies as they affect literacy work. Nonetheless, there
are a number of important areas of work which need to be addressed beyond
the confines of the debate over which language illiteracy should come first.
For example, more needs to be known about such issues as: (1) whether (or
under what conditions) mother tongue literacy should be a precondition for
the introduction of second language literacy in school-based and non-formal
settings; (2) how the implementation of language of instruction policies
affects literacy after schooling; (3) the effects of using second language
literacy in school on wastage and grade repetition; (4) the implications
of using the second language literacy for academic subjects like mathematics,
science, health, nutrition, and agriculture; and (5) skill retention of
mother tongue and second language literacy skills in daily life after leaving
school. These specific areas of inquiry are more tractable and less political
than the mother tongue vs. second language debate, and they may be more
relevant to improving the effectiveness of literacy programs. Sustained leadership UNESCO's International Institute for Adult Literacy Methods (IIALM) was established in 1968, and it functioned for about a dozen years. While its budget was never large, the IIALM served as a catalyst for sustained interest in adult literacy,, with a particular focus on the Third World. Since its demise in the early 1980s, there has been relatively little leadership (and certainly fewer resources in constant monetary terms) for literacy on an international scale. With the advent of International Literacy Year in 1990. as well as the Education for All (EFA) initiative by the United Nations and bilateral agencies, it would seem that the time has come resuscitate leadership in the field of international literacy. While UNESCO plays a significant role in the field of international literacy, its management structure does not allow it to provide the kind of research, development and training capacities (in house) which the field requires. The new International Literacy Institute (based in Philadelphia), co-sponsored by UNESCO, will in part fulfil this role, concentrating on literacy research, training and development in the Third World. Thus there need to be agencies who can take principal responsibility
for supporting innovation. research and leading new initiatives in the field
of literacy (in both the adult and intergenerational senses of the term).
Such leadership needs a scientific (rather than ideological) basis, it needs
realism of what can and cannot be achieved in the near term, and, most importantly,
it must focus on building local, national and regional capacities around
the world. The time of outside experts and consultants flying in to solve
local problems in literacy is (or should be) past. One particular source
of local expertise is in local universities and institutes as well as in
local and regional NG0s. Until both international leadership and local capacity
building can be achieved, the field is likely to remain fragmented and will
lack the ability to learn cumulatively from prior experience. FUTURE DIRECTIONS With the increasing universalization of primary schooling, the world of illiteracy is expected to diminish over the next century. Indeed, the number of 'naive illiterates those with no knowledge that literacy exists and with no knowledge of the uses of literacy by others - is dwindling as we approach the year 2000. Yet, as described earlier, population growth will likely assure that the number of illiterates will not decline much through the next decade. Further, the numbers of individuals with low literacy skills (e.g. with only a few years of primary schooling) continues to increase in many parts of the world. One major implication for the future is that policy attention will focus less on providing minimal literacy skills than on which kinds and what levels of literacy skill are required for each society, and specific groups within societies. Some known examples are present in today's industrialized countries, where, for example, the need for basic arithmetic skills have been largely replaced by the handheld calculator. Even spelling Instruction and practice, the focus of a great deal of school time in Western primary schools. is beginning to see the effects of spelling-checking microcomputers for children. Why memorize spelling rules when the computer is faster and more accurate? While there is still debate among researchers on this issue, the advent of high technology is compelling social change even before specialists have engaged in the requisite research. Yet even these harsh international statistics do not fully reveal the endemic problems associated with adult literacy work. As Rogers states, 'the nature of adult education ... is voluntary, life-related, non-formal and unsystematic . . .' (Rogers, 1993, p. 169), leading to great difficulty in evaluating adult literacy programs. The central problem for adult literacy work is the quality of the education as it relates to the individual adult learner. National campaigns and programs have often gone wrong because of the need for too-rapid progress and for economies of scale. This combination of factors has led to low motivation on the part of adult learners around the world and to poor outcomes in both learning achievement and participation. If the above analysis is correct, then what is needed is a greater focus on program quality, consumer motivation, flexibility and adaptation of program design. What can be done about the difficult situation of literacy work today? Most importantly, agencies which support or engage in literacy work need to be more realistic about what can be achieved within budget constraints. Such realism implies lowering expectations about major changes in individual, social and economic outcomes while at the same time holding literacy service providers to higher standards of accountability and professionalism. Adult literacy work contains no magic answer for any society but is part and parcel of human and national development. Agencies can enhance adult literacy programs by creating new synergies and collaborations; by improving policy linkages between formal and non-formal sectors; by providing better pathways from adult and youth literacy programs into the formal school system; by combining non-formal programs for adults and early childhood and family literacy programs; and by investing resources in assessment, evaluation. surveys and innovation in adult literacy. This paper has attempted to highlight some of the stumbling blocks to
the improved quality of literacy work, what connections might be made to
other sectors such as health and child development and what innovations
are appearing on the horizon. Future literacy worl. will require sustained
and concerted effort. The importance of literacy in the lives of people
the world over is difficult to overstate. The simple fact that even today
nearly one-quarter of humanity lacks such an essential - and obtainable
- set of skills still surprises many of us. It will be all the more striking
in the year 2000 and 2025 if we have been unable substantially to improve
this situation. REFERENCES Adams, M. J. (1990) Beginning to Read: Thinking and Learning about Print. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Anderson, C. A. and Bowman, M. J. (1965) Education and Economic Development. London: Frank Cass. Anderson, R. and Pearson, P. D. (1984) A schema-theoretic view of basic processes in reading comprehension. In Handbook of Reading Research. New York: Longman. Anzalone, S. and McLaughlin, S. (1983) Making Literacy Work: The Specific Literacy Approach. Center for International Education, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Arvidson, L. and Rubenson, K. (1990) Education and Training of the Labour Force in the EFTA Countries. Stockholm: Swedish National Board of Education. Amove, R. F. and Graff, H. J. (1987) National Literacy Campaigns. New York: Plenum. Barr, R. (1984) Beginning reading instruction: From debate to transformation. In Handbook of Reading Research. New York: Longman. Barr, R., Kamil, M. L.. Mosenthal, R. B. and Pearson, P. D. (1991) Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. 11. New York: Longman. Becker, G. S. (1975) Human Capital (2nd ed.). New York: Columbia University Press. Behrman. J. R. and Blau, D. M. (1985) Human capital and earnings distributions in a developing country: The case of pre-revolutionary Nicaragua. Economic Development and Cultural Change 34, 1-31. Behrman, J. R. and Deoialikar, A. B. (1988) School repeti . tion, dropouts, and returns to school: The case of Indonesia. Unpublished manuscript, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. Bennett. J. A. H. and Berry, J. (1987) The future of Cree svllabic literacy in Northern Canada. in The Future of literacy in a changing World. New York: Pergamon. Benton, L. and Novelle, T. (1991) Adult Literac.v and Economic Performance in Industrialized Nations. New York: Eisenhower Center for the Conservation of Resources, Columbia University. Bhola, H. S. (1984) Campaigning for Literacy: Eight National Experiences of the Twentieth Century, with a Memorandum to Decision-makers. Paris: Unesco. Bhola, H. S. (1990) Evaluating "Literacy for Development" Projects, Programs, and Campaigns. Hamburg: Unesco Institute for Education. Bijeijac-Babic, R. (1983) Les langues maternelles et nationales dans les politiques d'alphabetisation. Enquetes et etudes, No. ED-8 [WS-84. Paris: Unesco. Blaug. M. (1985) Where are we now in the economics of education? Economics of Education Review 4, 17-28. Bowman, M. J. and Anderson, C. A. (1973) Human capital and economic modernization in historical perspective. In Fourth International Conference of Economic History. Paris: Mouton Press. Bown, L. (1990) Preparing the future - women, literacy and development. Action Aid Development Report No. 4. Somerset: Action Aid. Caldwell, J. C. (1981) Fertility in Africa. In Fertility Decline in the Less Developed Countries. New York: Praeger Publishers. Carceles, G. (1990) World literacy prospects at the turn of the century: Is the objective of literacy for all by the year 2000 statistically possible? Comparative Education Review 34, 4-20. Carnevale, A. P., Gainer, L. J. and Meltzer, A. S. (1990) Workplace Basics: The Essential Skills that Employers Want. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Carraher, T. N., Carraher, D. W. and Schliemann. A. D. (1985) Mathematics in the streets and in schools. British Journal of Developmental Psychology. 21-22. Carron, G. and Bordia. A. (1985) Issues in Planning and Implem,-nting National Literacy Programmes. Paris: Unesco/IIEP. Carron, G., Mwiria, K. and Righa, G. (1989) The Functioning and Effects of the Kenyan Literacy Programme. IIEP Research Report No. 76. Paris: Unesco/IIEP. Chall. J. S. (1967) Learning to Read: The Great Debate. New York: McGraw-Hill. Chall, J. S. (1983) Stages of Reading Development. NeA, York: McGraw-Hill. Chall, J. S. (1987) Literacy learning in children and adults. In The Future of Literacy in a Changing World. New York: Pergamon. Chariton, S. E. M. (1984) Women in Third World Development. Boulder, CO: Westview. Chisman, F. P. (1990) Leadership for Literacy: The Agenda for the 1990s. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Cochrane. S. H. (1980) The effects of education on health. World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 405. Washington. D.C.: World Bank. Cochrane, S. H. (1982) Effects of education and urbanization on fertility,. In Determinants of Fertility in Developing Countries, Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press. Cochrane. S. H. (1989) Fertility v in Sub-Saharan Africa analysis and explanation. World Bank Discussion Papers No. 43. Washington. D.C.: World Bank. Comber, L. C. and Keeves, J. P. (1967) Science Achievement in Nineteen Countries. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Coombs, P. H. and Ahmed, M. (1974) Attacking Rural Poverty. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Coombs, P. H. (1985) The World Crisis in Education. The View from the Eighties. New York: Oxford. Dalby, D. (1985) The educational use of African languages in sub-Saharan Africa: The state of the art. Document ED/85[WS/62. Paris: Unesco. Downing, J. (1973) Comparative Reading. New York: Macmillan. Dutcher, N. (1982) The Use of First and Second Languages in Primary Education: Selected Case Studies. World Bank Staff Working Paper No. 504. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Eisemon, T. E. (1988) Benefiting from Basic Education, School Quality and Functional Literacy in Kenya. New York: Pergamon. Eikof, B. (1987) Russian literacy campaigns, 1861-1939. In National Literacy Campaigns. New York: Plenum. Engle, P. L. (1975) Language medium in early school years for minority language groups. Review of Educational Research 45, 283-325. Eurich, N. P. (1990) The Learning Industry: Education for Adult Workers. Princeton, NJ: The Camegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. Fagerlind, 1. and Saha, L. I. (1983) Education and National Development: A Comparative Perspective. New York: Pergamon. Feitelson, D. (1967) The relationship between systems of writing and the teaching of reading. In Reading Instruction International Forum. Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Feitelson, D. (1988) Facts and Fads in Beginning Reading: A Cross-language Perspective. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Ferreiro, E. and Teberosky, A. (1982) Literacy before Schooling. Exeter, NH: Heineman Educational Books. Foster, P. and Purves, A. (1991) Literacy and society with particular reference to the non-Western world. In Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. Il. New York: Longman. Freire, P. and Macedo, D. (1987) Literacy: Reading the Word and the World. S. Hadley, MA: Bergin and Garvey. Fuller, B. and Heyneman, S. (1989) Third World school quality: Current collapse, future potential. Educational Researcher 18, 12-19. Gal. 1. (1993) Issues and Challenges in Adult,Numeracy (Technical Report 93-15). Philadelphia, PA: National Center on Adult Literacy. Gadgil, D. R. (1955) Report of investigation into the problem of lapse into illiteracy in the Satara District. In Primary, Education in the @atara Districts: Reports of Two Investigations. Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Publication No. 31. Gay, J. and Cole, M. (1967) The NeK, Mathematics and an Old Culture. New York: Holt. Rinehari and Winston. Giere, U. (1987) Functional Illiteracy. in Industrial- ized Countries.. An Analytical Bibliography. Hamburg: UIE/UNESCO. Gilmore. P. (1986) Sub-rosa literacy: Peers, play. and ownership in literacy acquisition. In The Acquisition of Literacy: Ethnographic Perspectives. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Girodet, M.-A. (1983) Calculs ecrits, donnees culturelles et alphabetisation. Doc. ED/83-W-S/1 17 Paris: Unesco. Giewwe. P. (1990) Schooling. Skills, and the Returns to Education: An Econometric Exploration using Data from Ghana. PHR working paper. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Goody, J. (1968) Literacy in Traditional Societies. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Gray, W. S. (1956) The Teaching of Reading and Writing. Paris: Unesco. Guthrie. J. T. and Greaney, V. (1991) Literac@, acts. In Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. Il. NeA. York: Longman. Haddad, W, D., Carnoy, M.. Rindidi, R. and Regel. 0. (1990) Education and development: Evidence for new priorities. World t@ank Discussion Paper, No. 95. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Hakuta. K. (1986) Mirror o ' f Language: The Debate on Bilingualism. New York: Basic Books. Hamadache, A. and Martin, D. (1987) Theor ' v and Practice of Literacy Work: Policies, Strategies and Examples. Paris: Unesco/Code. Harvey-MorRan, J.. Hopey, C. and Rethemever. K. (1965) Computers, Technology, and Adult Literacy: Results of a National Survey on Computer Technology Use in Adult Literacy Programs. Technical Report. Philadelphia, PA: National Center on Adult Literacy, University of Pennsylvania. Heath. S. B. (1980) The functions and uses of literacy. Journal of Communication, Winter, 123-133. Heath. S. B. (1983) Ways with Words. New York: Cambridge University Press. Heath. S.. B. (1991) The sense of being literate: Historical and cross-cultural features. In Handbook of Reading Research. Vol. Il. New York: Longman. Henderson. L. (1984) Orthographies and Reading: Perspectives from Cognitive Psychology, Neuropsychology and Linguistics. Hilisdale, J .L. Erlbaum. Hernandez-lglesias. F. and Riboud, M. (1985) Trends in labor force participation of Spanish women: An interpretive essay. Journal of Labor Economics 3, 201-217. Hevneman. S. P. (1976) Influences on academic achievement: A comparison of results form Uganda and more industrialized societies. Sociology of Education 49. 200-211. Heyneman. S. P. and Jamison, D. T. (1980) Student learning in Uganda: Textbook availability and other factors. Comparative Education Review 24, 206-220. Husen, T. (1967) International Study of Achievement in Mathematics:A Comparison of Twelve Countries. New York: John Wiley & Sons. International Institute for Educational Planning (1991) The Kenya Literacy Program: A View from Below. Paris: Unesco/IIEP. International Development Research Centre (1979) The World of Literacy: Policy., Research and Action. Ottawa: IDRC. Inkeles. A. and Smith, D. H. (1974) Becoming Modern. Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press. Jacoy. H. (1989) The returns to education in the agriculture of the Peruvian Sierra. PHR working paper. Washington. D.C.: World Bank. Jamison. D. T. and Lau. L. (1982) Farmer Education and Farm Efficienci,. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Universit@. Press. Jamison. D. T. and Moock. P. R. (1984) Farmer education and farm efficiency in Nepal: The role of schooling. extension services. and cognitive skills. World Development 12. 67-86. Johnston. P. H. (1984) Assessment in reading. In Handbook of Reading Research. New York: Longman. Johnston, W. B. and Packer. A. E. (1987) Workforce 2000. Indianapolis, IN: Hudson Institute. Jones. P. W. (1990) Unesco and the politics of global literacy. Comparative Education Review 34. 4-20. King. E M. (1989) Does education pay in the labor market? The labor force participation, occupation, and earning of Peruvian women. LSMS Working Paper 67. Washington. D.C.: World Bank. Kirsch. I. and Junneblut, A. (1986) Literacy: Profiles of America's Young Adults. Final report of the National Assessment of Educational Progress. Princeton, NJ: ETS. Kirsch, I. et al. (1993) Adult Literacy in America. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Education. Lambert, W. E. and Tucker, G. R. (1972) Bilingual Education of Children: The St. Lambert Experiment. Rowley. MA: Newburv House. Lee. K.W. (1981) Equity and an alternative education method: A Korean case study. Comparative Education Review 25, 45-63. Lengyel.P. (1986) International Social Science: The Unesco Experience. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction. Lerner. D. (1964) The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East. New York: Ale Free Press. Lestage. A. (1982) Literacy and Illiteracy. Unesco Educational Studies and Documents No. 42. Paris: Unesco. Levine, K. (1982) Functional literacy: Fond illusions and false economies. Harvard Educational Review 52, 249-66. Levine. K. (1986) The Social Context of Literacy. London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul. Levine, R. A. (1987) Women's schooling, patterns of fertility. and child survival. Educational Researcher. December. Levy, M. B. (1971) Determinants of primary school dropouts in developing countries. Comparative Education Review 15. 44--58. Lind, A. (1988) Adult literacy: Lessons and Promises. The Mozambican literacy campaigns, 1978-I982. Stockholm: Institute of International Education. Lind, A. and Johnston, A. (1990) Adult Literacy in the Third World: A Review of Objectives and Strategies. Stockholm: Swedish International Development Agency. McLaughlin, B. (1985) Second Language Learning in Childhood (2nd Ed.). Hilisdale, NJ: L. Eribaum. Mickulecky, L. (1982) Job literacy: The relationship between school preparation and workplace actuality. Reading Research Quarterly 17, 419. Mickulecky, L. (1990) Basic skills impediments to communication between management and hourly employees. Management Communication Quarterly, may. Mickulecky, L. and Drew. R. (1991) Basic literacy skills in the workplace. In Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. Il. New York: Longman. Miller, V. (1985) Between Struggle and Hope: The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade. Denver: Westview. Modiano, N. (1968) National or mother tongue language in beginning reading: A comparative study. Research in the Teaching of English 2. 32-43. Murugaiyan. A. (1985) Enseignement des langues nationales et maternelles dans cinq pays d'Asie: Problemes et perspectives. Document ED/85AVS/63. Paris: Unesco. Mvers, R. G. and Hertenberg, R. (1987) The eleven who survive.. Toward a reexamination of earl childhood development program options and costs. The World Bank Education and Training Report NO. EDT 69. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Nascimento, G. (1990) Illiteracy in Figures. Geneva: Unesco International Bureau of Education. Neice, D. and Adsett, M. (1991) Direct versus proxy measures of adult functional literacy: A preliminary examination and modelling. Working Paper, Social Trends Analysis Directorate, Department of the Secretarv of State of Canada. Ogbu, J. U. (1980) Literacy in subordinate cultures: The case of Black Americans. Paper presented at the Literacy Conference of the Library of Congress, Washington. D.C. Psacharopoulos, G. (1973) Returns to Education.. An International Comparison. Amsterdam: Eisevier. Puchner, L. D. (1993) Early childhood, family, and health issues in literacy: international perspectives. LRC/NCAL International Paper: University of Pennsylvania. Reder, S. M. (1987) Comparative aspects of functional literacy development: Three ethnic American community. In The Future of Literacy in a Changing World. New York: Pergamon. Resnick, D. P. and Resnick, L. B. (1990) Varieties of literacy. In Social History and Issues in Human Consciousness: Some Interdisciplinary Connections. NewYork: New York University Press. Riboud, M. (1985) An analysis of women's labor force participation in France: Cross-section estimates and time-series evidence. Journal of Labor Economics 3, 177-200. Rogers, A. (1993). The world crisis in adult education: A case study from literacy. Compare 23, 159-175. Roy, P. and Kapoor, J. M. (1975) The Retention of Literacy. Delhi: Macmillan of India. Schieffelin, B. and Cochran-Smith. M. (1984) Learning to read culturally. In Awakening to Literacy (pp. 3-23). Exeter, NH: Heinemann Educational Books. Scribner, S. and Cole, M. (1981) The Psychology of Literacy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Segall, M. H., Dasen, P. R.. Berry, J. W. and Poortinga, Y. H. (1990) Human Behavior in Global Perspective. New York: Pergamon. Schultz, T. W. (1980) Nobel lecture: The economics of being poor. Journal of Political Economy 88, 639-652. Schultz, T. W. (1981) Investing in People: The Economics of Population Quality. Berkeley: University of California Press. Schultz, T. W. (in press) The benefits of educating women. In Education in Developing Countries. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University. Simmons, J. (1976) Retention of cognitive skills acquired in primary school. Comparative Education Review 20, 79-93. Sjostrorn. M. and Sjostrom, R. (1983) How do you Spell Development9 A Study of the Literacy Campaign in Ethiopia. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and Toukomaa, P. (1976) Teaching migrant children's mother tongue and learning the language of the host country in the context of the socio-cultural situation at the migrant family. Helsinki: The Finnish National Commission for UNESCO. Smith, J. P. (1979) The distribution of family earnings. Journal of Political Economy 87, 163-192. Soifer, R., Irwin, M. E., Crumrine, B. M., Honzaki, E. Simmons, B. K. and Young, D. L. (1990) The Complete Theory-to-practice Handbook of Adult Literacy: Curriculum Design and Teaching Approaches. New York: Teachers College Press. Southam Press (1987) Broken Words: Why Five Million Canadians are Illiterate. The Southam Literacy Report. Toronto: Southam Press. Spratt, J. E. (1988) Passing and Failing in Moroccan Schools. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Spratt, J. E., Seckinger, B. and Wagner. D. A. (1991) Literacy in and out of school: A study of functional literacy in Morocco, Reading Research Quarterly 26, 178-195. Statistics Canada (1988) A National Literacy Skill Assessment Planning Report. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Statistics Canada (1990) Survey of Literacy Skills used in Daily Activities: Reading Skills. Ottawa: Statistics Canada. Stevenson, H. W., Stigier, J. W., Lucker, G. W., Lee, S., Hsu, C. C. and Kitamura, S. (1982) Reading disabilities: The case of Chinese, Japanese, and English. Child Development 33, 1164-1181. Sticht, T. G. (1975) Reading for Working: A Functional Literacy Anthology. Alexandra. VA: Human Resources Research Organization. Sticht, T. G., Medonald, B. A. and Beeler, M. J. (1991) The Intergenerational Transfer of Cognitive Skills. Norwood, NI: Ablex. Stites, R. and Semali, L. (1991) Adult literacy for social equality or economic growth?: Changing agendas for mass literacy in China and Tanzania. Comparative Education Review 35, 44-75. Street, B. V. (1984) Literacy in Theory and Practice. London:Cambridge University Press. Stromquist, N. P. (1990) Women and illiteracy: The interplay of gender subordination and poverty. Comparative Education Review 34, 95-111. Sulzby, E. and Teale, W. (1991) Emergent literacy. In Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. II. New York: Longman. Tanguiane, S. (1990) Literacy and Illiteracy in the World: Situation, Trends and Prospects. International Yearbook of Education, Volume XLII. Paris/Geneva: Unesco/IBE. Taylor, M. C., Lewe, G. R. and Draper, J. A. (1991) Basic skills for the Workplace. Toronto: Culture Concepts. Tucker, M. (1990) America's Choice.. High Skills or Low Wages! Syracuse, NY: Center for Education and the Economy. UNESCO (1953) The use of vernacular languages in education. Monograph on fundamental education, No. 8. Paris: Unesco. UNESCO (1957) World illiteracy at mid-century. Paris: Unesco. UNESCO (1973) Practical guide to functional literacy: A method of training for development. Paris: Unesco UNESCO (1976) The experimental world literacy programme.. A critical assessment. Paris: Unesco/UNDP. UNESCO (1978) Revised recommendation concerning the international standardization of educational statistics. Paris: Unesco. UNESCO (1983) Statistics of educational attainment and literacy. Paris: Unesco. UNESCO (1984a) The drop-out problem in primary education: Some case studies. Bangkok: Unesco Regional Office for Education in Asia and the Pacific. UNESCO (19&4b) Evolution of wastage in primar ' v education in the world between 1970 and 1980. Document EDIBIE/CONFINTED/39/Ref.2. Paris: Unesco. UNESCO (1985) The current literacy situation in the world. Paris: Unesco Office of Statistics. UNESCO (1987a) Workshop of specialists in Europe on the prevention of functional illiteracy and integration of youth into the world of work. Hamburg: Unesco Institute of Education. UNESCO (1987b) Illiteracy in industrialized countries: Situation and action. Prospects: Quarterly, Review of Education 17, No. 2. UNESCO (1988) Compendium of statistics on illiteracy. Paris: Unesco Office of Statistics. UNESCO (1989) Statistical yearbook,. Paris: Unesco Office of Statistics. UNESCO (1990a) Basic education and literacy: World statistical indicators. Unesco Office of Statistics. UNESCO (1990b) Compendium of statistics on illiteracy. Unesco Statistical Reports and Studies No. 31. Paris: Unesco Office of Statistics. UNESCO (1991) Islam, perestroika, and the education of women: Principles and possibilities. ED/91/WS/22. Paris: Unesco. Unicef (1984) Moving towards universal primary education and literacy: A Co-operative programme to foster universal primary education and literacy. Occasional Paper Series No. 4. New York: Unicef. Unicef (1989) Project BRAC. Assignment Children. United Nations (1989) Measuring literacy through household surveys: A technical study on literacy assessment and related topics through household surveys. National Household Survey Capability Programme. United Nations, NY. United Nations Development Programme (1991) Human development report, 1991. New York: United Nations. van der Gaag, J. and Vijverberg, W. (1987) Wage determinants in Cote d'Ivoire: Experience, credentials, and human capital. Economic Development and Cultural Change 37, 371-381. Venezky, R. L. (1991) The development of literacy in the industrialized nations of the West. In Handbook of Reading Research, Vol. II. New York: Longman. Venezky, R. L., Kaestle, C. F. and Sum, A. M. (1987) The Subtle Danger: Reflections on the Literacy Abilities of America's Young Adults. Princeton, NJ: Educational Testing Service. Venezky, R., Wagner. D. A. and Ciliberti, B. (19'9-0) Toward Defining Literacy. Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Verhoeven, L. T. (1990) Acquisition of reading in a second language. Reading Research Quarterly 25, 90-112. Wagner, D. A. (1983a) Child Development and International Development.. Research Policy Interfaces. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Wagner. D. A. (i983b) Literacy and ethnicity. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 42. Wagner. D. A. (1986) When literacy isn't reading (and vice-versa). In Towards a New Understanding of Literacy. New York: Praeger. Wagner, D. A. (1987) The Future of Literacy in a Changing World. New York: Pergamon. Wagner, D. A. (1988) Appropriate education and literacy in the Third World. In Psychology, Health and Culture. Beverly Hills: Sage. Wagner. D. A. (1989) In support of primary schooling in developing countries: A new look at traditional indigenous schools. World Bank Background Paper Series, Doc. No. PHREE/S9/23. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Wagner, D. A. (1990a) Literacy assessment in the Third World: An overview and proposed schema for survey use. Comparative Education Review, 33, 112-138. Wagner, D. A. (1990b) Who's a literate?: Assessment issues in a global perspective. Psychology and Developing Societies 2, 5-16. Wagner, D. A. (1992) Literacy: Developing the Future. Unesco Yearbook of Education, Paris: Unesco. Wagner, D. A. (1993) Literacy,- Culture and Development: Becoming Literate in Morocco. New York: Cambridge University Press. Wagner, D. A. and Lotfl, A. (1980) Traditional Islamic education in Morocco: Socio-historical and psychological perspectives. Comparative Education Review 24, 238-251. Wagner, D. A., Messick, B. M. and Spratt, J. E. (1986) Studying literacy in Morocco. In The Acquisition of Literacy: Ethnographic Perspectives. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Wagner, D. A. and Puchner, L. (1992) World Literacy in the Year 2000: Research and Policy Dimensions. Philadelphia: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Wagner, D. A. and Spratt, J. E. (1988) Intergenerational literacy: Effects of parental literacy and attitudes on children's reading achievement in Morocco. Human Development 31, 359-369. Wagner, D. A. and Spratt, J. E. (1993) Arabic orthography and reading acquisition in Morocco. In Cognition and Culture. Amsterdam: North Holland. Wagner, D. A., Spratt, J. E. & Ezzaki, A. (1989) Does learning to read in a second language always put the child at a disadvantage? Some counter-evidence from Morocco. Applied Psycholinguistics 10, 31-48. Wagner, D. A., Spratt, J. E., Klein, G. D. and Ezzaki, A. (1989) The myth of literacy relapse: Literacy retention among Moroccan primary school leavers. International Journal of Educational Development 9, 307-315. Wagner, D. A. and Stevenson, H. W. (1982) Cultural Perspectives on Child Development. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. WCEFA (1990) World Conference on Education for All, Final Report. New York: Unicef. Weiler, H. N. (1978) Education and development: From the age of innocence to the age of skepticism. Comparative Education 14, 179-198. World Bank (1980) Poverty and Human Development. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. World Bank (1991) World Development Report 1991. New York: Oxford University Press. World Conference on Education for All (1989) Meeting basic learning needs: A new vision for the 1990s. Background document, Draft B. New York: United Nations. World Conference on Education for All (1990) World Declaration on Education For All Appendix 1. New York: United Nations. Ziegahn, L. (1992) National Literacy assessments: Present practice and alternatives. International Journal of Educational Development 12, 223-232.
Contact Info: Daniel A. Wagner | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
      |
Policy | Research | Technology | Innovations | Training | Bookstore | Home | Help | Site Map | About ILI | About NCAL
